The pursuit of constitutional amendments to extend presidential term limits is emerging as a shared strategy between the leadership of the Central African Republic and Zimbabwe.
Key Stories
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Touadéra Secures Extended Rule: President Faustin-Archange Touadéra has successfully amended the CAR constitution, increasing term lengths from five to seven years and abolishing previous term limits.
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Zimbabwe’s Third-Term Mobilization: Despite President Mnangagwa’s public denials, ZANU-PF structures are actively passing resolutions to extend his presidency to a third term or increase term lengths to seven years.
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Regional Pattern of “Saviors”: A growing trend across Africa sees independent or civilian leaders initially hailed as “saviors” eventually moving to consolidate power indefinitely through legal maneuvers.
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The “Russian Factor”: Both the CAR and Zimbabwe maintain close security and economic ties with Russia, utilizing private military contractors and diplomatic support to bolster internal stability during political transitions.
The political landscape in the Central African Republic (CAR) has reached a critical juncture as President Faustin-Archange Touadéra seeks to solidify his hold on power through a controversial third-term bid. Having entered office in 2016 as a civilian leader following decades of military coups, Touadéra’s recent constitutional amendments have effectively “reset the clock” on his leadership. By extending the presidential term from five to seven years and removing term limits, Touadéra is now eligible to remain in office until at least 2039, a move that critics argue undermines the democratic progress the nation had initially hoped for.
A striking parallel is being drawn to Zimbabwe, where President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s supporters within ZANU-PF are advocating for similar constitutional changes. While Mnangagwa has officially stated he does not intend to seek a third term, the party’s internal resolutions for “ED2030” suggest a coordinated effort to keep him in power beyond 2028. This strategy mirrors the “Touadéra model”—using legislative amendments and referendums to bypass existing term limits under the guise of maintaining national security and economic continuity.
The broader African context reveals a troubling trend of constitutional “re-engineering” in countries like Egypt, Rwanda, and Uganda. Leaders often cite the need for stability and the protection of natural resources—such as gold, diamonds, and rare earth minerals—as justification for extended rule. However, this consolidation of power frequently leads to the disenfranchisement of the youth and increased internal displacement, as seen in the CAR where one in five citizens is currently displaced. For Zimbabwe, the challenge remains whether the opposition and civil society can effectively counter these institutional shifts.
1. Today’s Election Logistics
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The Vote: Polling stations opened at 6:00 a.m. and close at 6:00 p.m. Voters are casting ballots for presidential, legislative, regional, and municipal representatives.
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Voter Base: Approximately 2.4 million voters are registered.
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First Local Elections in 40 Years: Today marks the first time since the 1980s that CAR is holding municipal elections. While intended to decentralize power, critics fear these positions will be dominated by the ruling party.
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Results Timeline: Provisional results are expected by January 5, 2026. If no candidate receives more than 50%, a runoff is scheduled for February 15, 2026.
2. The Path to a Third Term: The 2023 Referendum
The legal basis for today’s election rests on a major constitutional shift that occurred two years ago.
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The “Reset” Strategy: Under the new 2023 constitution, the government argues that Touadéra’s previous two terms (2016–2025) no longer count. This allows him to run today for a new seven-year term (2026–2033) and remain eligible for future terms.
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Key Changes: The referendum abolished the two-term limit and extended terms from five to seven years.
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2023 Results: Official results showed 95% approval with 57% turnout, though major opposition groups boycotted the vote, calling it a “constitutional coup.”
Basis for the Amendment (Justifications vs. Reality)
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“Will of the People”: Touadéra argued that the previous 2016 constitution did not sufficiently reflect the “deep aspirations” of the Central African people.
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Developmental Needs: Supporters claimed the changes would provide the stability needed for the country to develop and that the 2016 constitution, written during a civil war, was no longer fit for purpose.
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Regional Alignment: Allies of the president suggested the removal of term limits was meant to align CAR’s governance with several of its neighbors.
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Sovereignty: The administration emphasized that the reform was a sovereign act of the people to strengthen executive power and national institutions.
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Power Consolidation Critics: Critics point out that the process involved removing the head of the Constitutional Court, Danièle Darlan, who had initially declared the reform committee illegal, suggesting the primary basis was to consolidate power and allow Touadéra to “rule for life.”
3. Candidates and Political Landscape
The Main Challengers
Touadéra faces seven candidates. The most prominent are former prime ministers Anicet-Georges Dologuélé and Henri-Marie Dondra. These challengers were cleared late in the process and have accused the government of obstructing their campaigns via travel restrictions.
The United Hearts Movement (MCU)
While Touadéra won the 2016 election as an independent “man of the people,” he founded the United Hearts Movement (MCU) in 2018. This allowed him to build a formal political machine that now dominates the landscape.
The Opposition Boycott
The main opposition bloc, the Republican Bloc for the Defense of the Constitution (BRDC), has called for a boycott of today’s vote, labeling the entire process a “sham” designed to install a life presidency.
4. Security and Geopolitical Context
Touadéra’s campaign has focused heavily on security gains, though the situation remains fragile.
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Russia and Rwanda: Security is maintained by Russian paramilitaries (formerly Wagner, now Africa Corps) and Rwandan soldiers. In exchange for security, Russia has gained access to CAR’s gold, diamond, and mineral resources.
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Rebel Activity: Groups like the Coalition of Patriots for Change (CPC) remain active in the provinces. Violence has prevented registration in parts of the northeast and northwest, closing dozens of polling sites today.
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Displacement: A humanitarian crisis persists; 1 in 5 Central Africans is displaced, with 442,000 internal refugees and 660,000 living in neighboring countries.
5. Historical Timeline: From Coups to Today
To understand the significance of this election, it must be viewed against CAR’s history of instability:
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1966–2014: A cycle of five major coups/rebellions:
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1966: General Jean-Bédel Bokassa overthrows David Dacko.
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1979: David Dacko returns after a French-supported coup (Operation Caban) ousts Bokassa.
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1981: General André Kolingba overthrows David Dacko.
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2003: General François Bozizé seizes power by force, ousting President Ange-Félix Patassé.
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2013: The Séléka rebel coalition (led by Michel Djotodia) captures Bangui, forcing Bozizé to flee.
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2014: Michel Djotodia is forced to resign, leading to a transitional government.
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2016: Touadéra is inaugurated. This was a landmark as the first democratic transfer of power in decades.
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2020: Touadéra is re-elected amidst a rebel offensive.
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2022–2023: The push for constitutional reform begins; the Constitutional Court is bypassed, and the new constitution is signed into force (August 30, 2023).
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2025 (Today): The general election proceeds, potentially cementing Touadéra’s leadership for at least another seven years.
- Alassane Ouattara (Côte d’Ivoire): Argued that a new 2016 constitution “reset the clock,” allowing him to run for a third term in 2020.
- Paul Kagame (Rwanda): A 2015 referendum extended the term limit, allowing him to serve a third seven-year term and potentially two more five-year terms until 2034.
- Yoweri Museveni (Uganda): Removed the two-term limit in 2005 and later scrapped the presidential age limit in 2018 to stay in power.
- Faure Gnassingbé (Togo): Changed the constitution in 2019 and again in 2024 to transition to a parliamentary system where he now holds a non-term-limited executive role.
- Denis Sassou Nguesso (Republic of the Congo): A 2015 referendum lifted age and term limits, allowing him to run for re-election in 2016 and 2021.
- Ismail Omar Guelleh (Djibouti): Lawmakers approved a 2010 amendment to allow a third term; he has since won two more elections.
- Abdel Fattah el-Sisi (Egypt): A 2019 amendment extended his second term and allowed him to run for a third six-year term ending in 2030.
- Azali Assoumani (Comoros): Won a 2018 referendum to extend term limits and end the system of rotating power between islands.
- Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (Equatorial Guinea): In power since 1979; the 2011 constitution reset his terms.
- Paul Biya (Cameroon): Removed term limits in 2008 and has been in power since 1982.
- Isaias Afwerki (Eritrea): Has ruled since independence in 1993 without ever holding a national election.
- Mahamat Déby (Chad): Following the death of his father, Idriss Déby, a new constitution was approved in 2024/2025 that removed term limits, allowing him to potentially rule for life.
- Brice Oligui Nguema (Gabon): After seizing power in a 2023 coup, he won a presidential election on April 12, 2025, which critics view as a move to transition military rule into a long-term presidency.
- Faustin-Archange Touadéra (CAR): Holding elections today, December 28, 2025, for a third term after the 2023 referendum reset his term count.
